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C O M M E N T A R
Y
ACTS
XXVI
XXVI: 1-3.
Festus having stated the case, and the assembly being in
waiting, the king assumed the presidency of the assembly.
(1) "Then Agrippa said to Paul, You are permitted
to speak for yourself. Then Paul stretched forth his hand,
and offered his defense: (2) I think myself
happy, King Agrippa, because I shall defend myself this
day before you, touching all the things of which I am
accused by the Jews; (3) especially as you are
acquainted with all the customs and questions among the
Jews. Wherefore, I beseech you to hear me patiently."
It must have been his left hand which he stretched forth
as he began this exordium, for his right was chained to
the soldier who guarded him.{1}
The compliment to Agrippa for his acquaintance with Jewish
customs and controversies was not undeserved.{2}
It afforded Paul unfeigned gratification to know, that,
after so many efforts to make himself understood by such
men as Lysias, Felix, and Festus, he was at length in the
presence of one who could fully understand and appreciate
his cause.
4-8. After the exordium, he proceeds to state, first, his
original position among the Jews, and to show that he was
still true to the chief doctrine which he then taught. (4)
"My manner of life from my youth, which was from
the beginning among my own nation in Jerusalem, all the
Jews know, (5) who knew me from the beginning, if
they were willing to [277] testify,
that, according to the strictest sect of our religion, I
lived a Pharisee. (6) Even now, it is for the
hope of the promise made by God to the fathers, that I
stand here to be judged; (7) to which promise our
twelve tribes, by earnest worshiping night and day, hope
to attain. Concerning this hope, King Agrippa, I am
accused by the Jews. (8) What! Is it judged a
thing incredible among you, that God should raise the
dead?" The Pharisees were the least likely of
all the Jewish sects to be unfaithful to Jewish
institutions. It was, therefore, much in Paul's favor that
he was able to call even his enemies to witness that from
his youth he had lived in the strict discipline of that
sect. It was yet more so, to say that he was still a firm
believer in the leading doctrine of the party, and to
reiterate the assertion made on two former occasions, that
it was on account of the hope of a resurrection that he
was accused.{3}
This was not the avowed cause, but it was the real cause
of their accusations; for the assumptions that Christ
had risen from the dead was the ground-work of all Jewish
opposition and persecution. He interprets the promise
made by God to the fathers, by which he doubtless means
the promise, "In thee and in thy seed shall all the
families of the earth be blessed," as referring to
the resurrection, because that is the consummation of all
the blessings of the gospel. He exposes the inconsistency
of his enemies by observing, that it was even Jews
who were accusing him of crime in demonstrating this great
hope so cherished by the twelve tribes. Then, turning from
Agrippa to the whole multitude.{4}
he asks, with an air of astonishment, if they really deem
it an incredible thing that God should raise the dead. If
not, why should he be accused of crime for declaring that
it had been done?
9-11. To still further illustrate his former standing
among the Pharisees, he describes his original relation
toward the cause of Christ. (9) "I thought with
myself that I ought to do many things contrary to the name
of Jesus, the Nazarene, (10) which I also did in
Jerusalem. Many of the saints I shut up in prison, having
received authority from the high priests; and when they
were put to death, I gave my vote against them. (11) And
in all the synagogues I punished them often, compelling
them to blaspheme; and being exceedingly mad against them,
I persecuted them even to foreign cities." With
such a record as this, there was no room to suspect him of
any such bias as would render him an easy or a willing
convert to Christ. On the contrary, it must have appeared
to Agrippa, and the whole audience, most astonishing that
such a change could take place. Their curiosity to know
what produced the change must have been intense, and he
proceeds to gratify it.
12-18. (12) "Whereupon, as I was going to
Damascus, with authority and commission from the high
priests, (13) at midday, O King, I saw in the way
a light from heaven, above the brightness of the sun,
shining around me and those who were journeying with me.
(14) And when we had all fallen to the earth, I heard
a voice speaking to me, and saying, in the Hebrew dialect,
Saul, Saul, why do you persecute me? It is hard for you to
kick against the goads. (15) And I said, Who art
thou, Lord? And he said, I am Jesus, whom you persecute.
(16) But rise and stand [278] upon
your feet; for I have appeared to you for this purpose, to
choose you for a minister and a witness of the things
which you have seen, and of those in which I will appear
to you; (17) delivering you from the people and
the Gentiles, to whom I now send you (18) to open
their eyes, to turn them from darkness to light, and from
the power of Satan to God, that they may receive remission
of sins, and inheritance among the sanctified by faith in
me." On the supposition that Paul here spoke the
truth, Agrippa saw that no prophet of old, not even Moses
himself, had a more authoritative or unquestionable
commission than he. Moreover, the same facts, it true,
demonstrated, irresistible, the resurrection and
glorification of Jesus. As to the truth of the narrative,
its essential features consisted in facts about which Paul
could not be mistaken, and his unparalleled suffering, for
more than twenty years, together with the chain even now
upon his arm, bore incontestable evidence of his
sincerity. But being an honest witness, and the facts such
that he could not be mistaken, the facts themselves must
be real. It is difficult to conceive what stronger
evidence the audience could have had in favor of Jesus, or
what more triumphant vindication of the change which had
taken place in Paul.
19-21. By these facts the speaker proceeds to justify his
change of position, and his subsequent career. (19) "Whereupon,
King Agrippa, I was not disobedient to the heavenly
vision; (20) but announced, first to those in
Damascus, then in Jerusalem, and in all the country of
Judea, and to the Gentiles, that they should repent and
turn to God, and do works suitable to repentance.
(21) On account of these things the Jews seized me in
the temple, and attempted to kill me." This is a
more detailed statement of the cause of Jewish enmity,
which had been more briefly expressed by the statement
that it was concerning the hope of the resurrection that
he was accused.
22, 23. That the Jews had not succeeded, with all their
mobs, and conspiracies, and corruption of rulers, in
destroying his life, was a matter of astonishment, and
Agrippa might well admit that it was owing to the
protecting providence of God. (22) "Having,
however, obtained help from God, I have stood until this
day, testifying both to small and great, saying nothing
else than those things which Moses and the prophets did
say should be, (23) that the Christ should
suffer, and that he first, by his resurrection from the
dead, should show light to the people and to the Gentiles."
Here he assumes that, instead of dishonoring Moses, he and
his brethren alone were teaching the things which both
Moses and the prophets had foretold; that it was required,
by their writings, that the Messiah should suffer and rise
from the dead.
By the statement that Christ first showed light to
the people and the Gentiles by his resurrection, he must
mean that he was the first to bring the subject into clear
light, by an actual resurrection to glory; for there had
already been some light upon it, as is proved by Paul's
previous statement in reference to the hope to
which the twelve tribes had been, in all their worship,
seeking to attain.
24. At this point in his speech, Paul was interrupted by
Festus. It was a very strange speech in the ears of that
dissolute heathen. It presented to him a man who from his
youth had lived in strict [279] devotion
to a religion whose chief characteristic was the hope of a
resurrection from the dead; who had once persecuted to
death his present friends, but had been induced to change
his course by a vision from heaven; and who, from that
moment, had been enduring stripes, imprisonment, and
constant exposure to death, in his efforts to inspire men
with his own hope of a resurrection. Such a career he
could not reconcile with those maxims of ease or of
ambition which he regarded as the highest rule of life.
Moreover, he saw this strange man, when called to answer
to accusations of crime, appear to forget himself, and
attempt to convert his judges rather than to defend
himself. There was a magnanimity of soul displayed in both
the past and the present of his career, which was above
the comprehension of the sensuous politician, and which he
could not reconcile with sound reason. He seems to have
forgotten where he was, and the decorum of the occasion,
so deeply was he absorbed in listening to and thinking of
Paul. (24) "And as he offered these things in his
defense, Festus cried, with a loud voice, Paul, you are
beside yourself. Much learning has made you mad."
25. Paul saw at once, from the tone and manner of Festus,
as well as from the admission of his great learning, that
the charge of insanity was not intended as an insult; but
that it was the sudden outburst of a conviction which had
just seized the mind of the perplexed and astonished
governor. His answer, therefore, was most respectful. (25)
"But he said, I am not mad, most noble Festus,
but speak forth words of truth and soberness."
He saw, however, that Festus was beyond the reach of
conviction; for a man who could see in the foregoing
portion of this speech only the ravings of a madman, could
not easily be reached by the argument, or touched by the
pathos of the gospel.
26, 27. In Agrippa Paul had a very different hearer. His
Jewish education enabled him to appreciate Paul's
arguments, and to see repeated, in that noble
self-sacrifice which was an enigma to Festus, the heroism
of the old prophets. As Paul turned away from Festus and
fixed his eye upon the king, he saw the advantage which he
had over his feelings, and determined to press it to the
utmost. He continues: (26) "For the king
understands concerning these things, to whom also I speak
with freedom: for I am persuaded that none of these things
are hidden from him; for this thing was not done in a
corner. (27) King Agrippa, do you believe the
prophets? I know that you believe."
28. With matchless skill the apostle had brought his
proofs to bear upon his principal hearer, and with the
boldness which only those can feel who are determined upon
success, he pressed this direct appeal so unexpectedly,
that the king, like Festus, was surprised into a full
expression of his feelings. (28) "Then Agrippa
said to Paul, You almost persuade me to be a Christian."
Under ordinary circumstances, such a confession would have
struck the auditory with astonishment. But under the force
of Paul's speech, there could not have been a generous
soul present that did not sympathize with Agrippa's
sentiment.
29. Paul's reply, for propriety of wording and magnanimity
of sentiment, is not excelled in all the records of
extemporaneous response: (29) "And Paul said, I
could pray to God, that not only you, but all who
[280] hear me this day, were
both almost and altogether{5}
such as I am, except these bonds." It was
not till he came to express a good wish for his hearers
and his jailers, a wish for that blessedness which he
himself enjoyed, that he seemed to think again of himself,
and remember that he was in chains.
30-32. The course of remark and the feeling of the
audience had now reached that painful crisis in which it
was necessary either to yield at once to the power of
persuasion, or to break up the interview. Unfortunately
for the audience, and especially for Agrippa, the latter
alternative was chosen. The heart that beats beneath a
royal robe is too deeply encased in worldly cares to often
or seriously entertain the claims of such a religion as
that of Jesus. A spurious religion, which shifts its
demands to suit the rank of its devotees, has been
acceptable to the great men of the nations, because it
helps to soothe an aching conscience, and is often useful
in controlling the ignorant masses; but men of rank and
power are seldom willing to become altogether such as the
Apostle Paul. They turn away from too close a pressure of
the truth, as did Paul's royal auditory. (30) "When
he had said these things, the king rose up, and the
governor, and Bernice, and those seated with them;
(31) and when they had gone aside, they conversed with
one another, saying, This man had done nothing worthy of
death or of bonds. (32) And Agrippa said to
Festus, This man might have been set at liberty, if he had
not appealed to Cæsar." The decision that he
had done nothing worthy of death or of bonds was the
judgment of the whole company, while Agrippa went further,
and said that he ought, by right, to be set at liberty. If
Festus had decided thus honestly before Paul had made his
appeal, he would have been released; but as the appeal had
now been made, to Cæsar he must go. Whether Festus now
knew any better than before what to write to Cæsar, Luke
leaves to the imagination of the reader.
{1} @Verse
29.
{2} Life
and Ep., vol. 2, p. 294.
{3}
Before the Sanhedrim and before Felix.
{4}
Observe the plural number of the pronoun "you."
@Verse
8.
{5} The
majority of recent critics condemn the rendering of en
oligo in Agrippa's remark, and Paul's response, by
almost, and of en pollo by altogether;
and render the two thus: "In a little time you
persuade me to become a Christian." "I could
pray to God, that both in a little and in much time,
you were such as I am," etc. (Hackett.) They
understand Agrippa as speaking ironically, and twitting
Paul for supposing him to be an easy convert. It must be
admitted that the usage of these two Greek phrases is
favorable to this rendering; but Bloomfield shows that
they do not necessarily require it. On the other hand, the
rendering proposed involves Paul's reply in an
inconsistency of phraseology: for how could Agrippa become
such as he both in a little time and in much
time? If, to avoid this difficulty, we render, with
Conybeare (Life and Ep. in loco.), "whether
soon or late," we force the conjunction kai
into a sense which is not authorized. It must be admitted
that there are philological difficulties in both the
common version of the passage, and all that are proposed
as substitutes, and it is not easy to decide in which the
difficulties are the greatest. But I think the connection
of thought and of circumstances are clearly such as I have
represented above, and this determines me in favor of the
common version.
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